Selective History can be a #FalseFlag. This is true of the #Hollywoodism version of the Reichstag Fire. The West is always ready to believe "Germ-Man Guilt" without bothering to weigh the facts. The reasoning is that "Germ-Man" is "Evil"! If he was not responsible for this evil than he was responsible for some other "Evil".
American emotions have been so holocausted by Hollywoodism that it is very difficult for them to think clearly The comparison of American atrocities to Germ-Man atrocities becomes an important emotionalism to keep the myth of the "Good War" alive. "We Americans saved the world from Evil. We the Good Guys may sometimes have to do bad things to save the world but they are nothing compared to the Evil Germ-Mans, we defeated." The modern self-worth of Americans is tied to in the emotional mythology of the "Good War". Any attack on this myth is an attack on American self-worth and their "glorious" place in history.
On a cool retrospect, the burning of the Reichstag occupies a comparatively small place in the story of Hitler.s rise to absolute power. He was Chancellor before the fire occurred; it did not much affect the electors; and they did not give him the crushing majority which he needed. The passing of the Enabling Law, not the general election, was the moment of decision. ---From the introduction to the English edition by A.J.P. Taylor to Fritz Tobias, THE REICHSTAG FIRE, pp. 3.
NOTE ON THE WORD "NAZI":
New Portrayal of Hitler’s Hated Towards Jews
“Almost half of all German private banks were Jewish owned,” writes Reuth, “the stock exchange was dominated by Jewish stockbrokers, and almost half of the nation’s newspapers were Jewish run as were 80 per cent of chain stores.”
Exposing the “Nazi” Epithet – Who started it, why, how, and who benefits
to deny that there was ever such thing as a “Nazi”, to most people, would be akin to denying the moon-landing, or perhaps more accurately, like telling a frightened child that “no monster under the bed” or “no ghost in the closet”. And one would then not only be thought as a “Nazi”, but also a lunatic,
The term is both an imitation of the nickname given to Marxists of the SDP at the time, Sozi, and a political pun similar to the Austro-Bavarian word for "simpleton", derived from the fairly common name Ignatz (German language form of Ignatius). It was then popularised abroad by various Judaics and other subversives, including Heiden himself, who fled the country after the NSDAP were elected to government.
The Reichstag fire Hardcover by
|Lubbe was quick-witted|
The strongest point in Herr Tobias's book is perhaps the firm and final demonstration that neither the Nazis nor anyone else could have come through the famous 'tunnel' from Goering's house. Use of this tunnel by the Nazis was an ingenious Communist speculation, plausible only to those who knew nothing of the physical obstacles which the tunnel and its many locked doors provided. We are thus left with two conclusions. There is no firm evidence that the Nazis had anything to do with the fire. There is much evidence that van der Lubbe did it alone, as he claimed.
-- From the introduction to the English edition by A.J.P. Taylor to Fritz Tobias, THE REICHSTAG FIRE, pp. 14-5.
Fire In The Reichstag - PETER WAINWRIGHT
SOURCE FROM: http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v02/v02p177_Wainwright.html
Institute for Historical Review
By the early 1930s, the situation in Germany was becoming highly explosive. A third of the workers were unemployed, and democracy was on the verge of collapse. The Communists saw in this their best opportunity to seize power since their abortive revolution in 1918. A revolution was clearly in the offing, but despite the support of a few million voters and the Soviet Union, power seemed to be slipping from the Marxist grip.
The German people were turning to a new kind of socialism -- National Socialism -- and even some of the Communists were looking to Adolf Hitler for their salvation.
The Red response to this situation was one of extreme violence. One notable victim was the 21-year old poet and voluntary social worker Horst Wessel, who was murdered in 1930 after writing a stirring marching song for his Brown Shirt comrades. Two years later, as the General Election of July 1932 loomed nearer, the Reds abandoned all pretence of debate and discussion. Bloody terror became the order of the day.
In the six week period before the election there were more than 450 political riots in Prussia alone. In July, 38 Nazis and 30 Communists were killed. But the Red Terror failed. In the election, the Nazis more than doubled their number of seats in the Reichstag, and became the largest party; and in January 1933 President Hindenburg bowed to the inevitable and asked Adolf Hitler to lead a coalition government. The general election in the March of that year resulted in a clear victory for the Nazis and their nationalist allies.
Red fury now knew no bounds. In the campaign of violence and illegality that followed, the Union of Red Fighters openly called on their followers to disarm the SA and SS, while a few days later an official Communist publication, Red Sailor, urged: "Workers to the Barricades: forward to victory: fresh bullets in your guns: draw the pin of the hand grenades." A bloody revolution seemed imminent. A signal for its commencement was anxiously awaited, and it appeared to come on 27 February when the Reichstag building in Berlin was set on fire.
A Dutch communist, Van der Lubbe, was arrested near the scene, and subsequently he and four other suspects, including Torgler, the leader of the communist group in the Reichstag, were put on trial. The official report of the provisional inquiry showed that the Red group had had "a remarkable number of party meetings in the Reichstag of late, without any reason which could be traced." At Liebknechthaus (the Communist HQ named after a leader of the abortive 1918 revolution), the authorities found lists of a large number of people who were to have been killed or arrested.
Van der Lubbe admitted that he had fired the building and that it was meant to be a signal for revolution. But, he claimed, contrary to expert testimony at the trial, that he had destroyed the building single handed. He stuck to his story, but elsewhere the Reds were spreading the lie that the fire had been started by the Nazis themselves, and that Van der Lubbe was a degenerate half-wit and homosexual prostitute planted on the scene as a "fall guy."
Just two days after the fire the Daily Worker (forerunner of the Morning Star) official organ of the British Communist Party, carried the banner headline "Nazis burn down the German parliament," and then went on to state that the "Fascists" had accused the Communist Party of having done it "without a shred of evidence."
Thus was born one of the great myths of modern history that the Nazis set fire to their own Parliament to provide an excuse for curbing the activities of the Communists. It might be said that some plausibility was given to the myth by the action of President Hindenburg (who was not a Nazi) on the day after the fire.
Fearing that another Communist revolution had started, he declared martial law and suppressed Marxist propaganda in Prussia. More substance was provided for the myth when the old Weimar Constitution was changed by the passing of the Enabling Act, which has been falsely represented as giving dictatorial powers to Hitler.
The act had nothing to do with the Reichstag fire, but was a necessary part of the Government's program for overcoming the grave social and economic crisis in Germany. Nonetheless, such actions provided hooks on which the anti-Nazi media and politicians could hang their multi-colored coat of lies and misrepresentation which came to be seriously accepted as authentic history.
The trial of Van der Lubbe and the other suspects should have dispelled any suspicion of Nazi guilt. It was a scrupulously fair trial which resulted in the acquittal of all the defendants except Van der Lubbe himself.
Anti-Nazi propagandists, however, were far from being dismayed. They turned their attention on a Brown Book of alleged evidence compiled by communist exiles, and a farcical "counter-trial" which they staged in London which, not surprisingly, found the Nazis guilty.
According to the Brown Book, a group of Nazis entered the Reichstag via a tunnel which was connected to the residence of Herman Göring, President of the Reichstag. They were supposed to have gained entry at 8.40pm, set the building on fire and then left, after pushing the half-wit Van der Lubbe into the building just after 9 pm. The police arrived on the scene at 9.22pm. Evidence was given at the "counter-trial" by witnesses, purporting to be Nazis seeking repentance, that they were led by a Brown Shirt named Heines. It was ascertained later that Heines was making a speech elsewhere at the time of the fire.
Another confession was supposedly made by Karl Ernst, then chief of the Brown Shirts in Berlin. Apart from the fact that this confession did not turn up until after Ernst's death, it slipped up on one vital point. As with the other "confessions," it alleged that the Nazi arsonists were in the Reichstag from 8.40 pm until 9.30 pm. But at 8.45 pm, a postman entered the building to collect the mail, and left again at 8.55 pm without seeing anything out of the ordinary or noticing the smell of gasoline or other fire raising substances.
The full truth is not yet known, but sound basic facts -- certainly more than enough to discredit allegations of Nazi responsibility were brought to light in Britain by the liberal historian Professor A. J. P. Taylor, who admits that he had accepted the myth unquestioningly "without looking at the evidence."
Later, however, writing on "Who burnt the Reichstag" in the August 1960 issue of the specialist magazine History Today, Taylor, working largely on evidence provided by Fritz Tobias, an anti-Nazi German civil servant, and which had been published earlier in Der Spiegel, points out that the Nazis made no attempt to manufacture evidence against the Communists -which seems a strange omission if, as alleged, the whole affair was staged to justify the suppression of the Communists.
As for the counter-trial, one of the witnesses there was "muffled to the eyes" according to Taylor, who wryly adds: "This was a wise precaution: he was in fact a well-known communist and unmistakably Jewish."
When considering the facts, it seems incredible that the myth of Nazi responsibility for firing the Reichstag could ever have been accepted at all. Yet it was, and by reputable historians such as Alan Bullock, author of Hitler: A Study in Tyranny, and Anthony Sutton, author ofWall Street and the Rise of Hitler. One wonders what other mythical versions of historical incidents have been accepted by historians and others "without looking at the evidence."
Author: Peter Wainwright
Title: Fire in the Reichstag
Source: The Journal for Historical Review (http://www.ihr.org)
Date: Summer 1981
Issue: Volume 2 number 2
Location: Page 177
Attribution: "Reprinted from The Journal of Historical Review, PO Box 2739, Newport Beach, CA 92659, USA. Domestic subscriptions $40 per year; foreign subscriptions $60 per year."
Please send a copy of all reprints to the Editor.
The Reichstag Fire: A Nazi 'False Flag' Operation?
One of the most enduring myths of our age is the story that the Nazis set the Reichstag building on fire as a "false flag" operation to generate popular support for measures of the Hitler government to suppress dissent and consolidate power. Even some prominent historians have accepted the often repeated smear, which was invented and vigorously promoted by Communists, that Goering and other Nazi officials set the German parliament building ablaze on Feb. 27, 1933, and then cynically blamed the crime on enemies. But as Weber explains in this broadcast, the basic facts are now well established: A young Dutch Communist, Marinus van der Lubbe, acted alone in setting the Reichstag fire.